Black Crawling Systems Archive Release 1.0/Black Crawling Systems Archive Release 1.0 (L0pht Heavy Industries, Inc.)(1997).ISO/tezcat/UNSORTED/3_4_Murder__Note_the_De

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From: [e-mail] (Linda Thompson, American Justice Federation)
Subject: 3/4 Murder: Note the Defense Contractors Named
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Part 3 of 4 parts continued

If this arrives garbled, please let me know.  We've had great difficulty
sending/receiving this text due to intentional interference with email traffic.

AEN NEWS

Courtesy of one of our great sources
who prefers to remain unknown.

        Summary:  Kohn, Howard.  Who Killed Karen Silkwood?, New York, New
York, Summit Books, 1981.  Kohn is an award-winning investigative reporter
and Senior Editor at Rolling Stone magazine.  He investigated the Silkwood
case since 1974.

=====================================

        Lovin had worked for the undercover squad, calling it "a
miniature CIA."  They kept dossiers on anyone Georgia Power didn't like
for whatever reason, detailing information about their sex lives,
creditors, and enemies.  Georgia Power may not have liked someone because
he was anti-nuclear, because he was a union activist, or because she was
the little old lady who complained about her bill being so high.  Lovin
said they even had one on Silkwood which they obtained through the
network, an organization which had a school located in Fort Lauderdale.
        The Georgia Power men in Florida "had been with JM WAVE, the CIA
guerrilla army that warred on Castro in the sixties."  Taylor found the
school, Audio Intelligence Devices, Inc., surrounded by fencing with
signs saying to keep out and having a landing strip in back.
        When Taylor returned to his motel room, trouble was waiting for
him:  Two men had entered his room, ransacking and destroying its
contents.  One of them stabbed him while the other hid behind the bed.
Taylor defended himself, taking the knife away from the attacker and
stabbing him with it.  The two then ran away.
        When Taylor returned home, his wife was worried because their
home had been burgled.  Someone was tailing him.  Taylor doubled back,
ambushed the tail, and discovered the tail was carrying identification as
an Iranian secret policeman.
        Further investigation revealed the school in Florida to be the
place to learn spy techniques, bugging, wiretapping, etc.  It was an
"international intersection for spies" who flew in from all over the
world.  Audio Intelligence also sold state-of-the-art spy equipment.
Georgia Power and many local police departments from all over the United
States had been steady customers, particularly from "states where it's
illegal for cops to have wiretap equipment.  Like Oklahoma."  The
Oklahoma City Police Department had been a customer, which begs the
question, why would Okie cops need heavy duty espionage training?
Tracking plutonium for Kerr-McGee was the only answer which made any sense.
        It had been confirmed that the Red Squad within the Oklahoma City
Police Department did have spy equipment.  A couple of reporters had
obtained a copy of an inventory of the police department's equipment.
Included on the inventory were wiretaps, disguiseable microphone
transmitters, beeper devices used for tailing cars, equipment to covertly
monitor conversations, and a debugging transmitter to check for
wiretaps.  Some of this equipment had been purchased from Audio
Intelligence prior to Silkwood's death.
        Taylor also discovered old Kerr-McGee envelopes hidden in the
barn behind the old farm belonging to Sherry's grandmother.  One envelope
had been stuck behind a plank.
        One of Taylor's old war buddies, Royer, had been hired to
investigate.  "While checking out a tip that Karen had been tailed to and
from Los Alamos, [Royer] was jumped and shot behind the ear."
        Later, Taylor discovered that his office had been broken into and
his file on the Silkwood case had been stolen, despite having stashed it
in an elaborate hiding place.
        During Drew's deposition, Kerr-McGee's lawyer, Bill Paul,
compulsively and  voyeuristically kept returning to sexual subjects over
and over again, attempting to paint Karen in a perverted light.
        During the deposition taken of Kitty, an anti-nuclear activist,
Paul asked for names.  Kitty refused and said she didn't want any more
activists harassed.  When Paul self-righteously said Kerr-McGee doesn't
do that, she started to rattle off example after example.  Paul then
withdrew the question.
        During Sara's deposition, Sara asked Paul point blank whether
Kerr-McGee had any of them under surveillance.  All the Kerr-McGee
lawyers had to leave the room.  Upon returning, Paul answered off the
record, no.  When Sara asked him to swear to it, he refused, saying he
didn't want to dignify the suggestion.
        In the midst of the investigation, there had been a secret report
being passed around among people in Washington:  The Barton Report.  It
had been commissioned by the Nuclear Regulatory Commission to assess the
future of nuclear power.  In it, the civil liberties section envisioned
an Orwellian scene in which secret agencies were allowed to conduct
surveillance without first obtaining a court order.  The report saw a
time when those critical of nuclear power could be detained without any
need for formal charges and when those just suspected of nuclear
terrorism could be tortured.
        Witnesses in the Silkwood case complained that Kerr-McGee owned
everything, were tight with the judges, and had "people on all the civic
committees, the hospitals, the schools, everything.  No one wants to
alienate them."  In this part of the country, great value was placed by
the citizens on minding your own business.  Because of that,
intimidation, and the threat to their jobs, no one wanted to talk.
        Witnesses were routinely tailed, surveilled, and photographs were
taken.  In one case, the Kerr-McGee security chief, Reading, even
attempted to interfere with one witness' ability to get a loan in another
city by smearing him.
        Sara and Kitty used their activist skills to form coalitions
between the National Organization of Women, the Sierra Club, the Lawyers
Guild, unions, and any other political organization sympathetic to the
Silkwood case.  They worked hard to get the story in the news, since
there had been a blackout on the case.  Immediately after Silkwood's
murder, news about the case was common and reporters dug for the facts.
But after Kerr-McGee threatened to move their world headquarters out of
Oklahoma, news sources began towing the line.  Editors and reporters
began having confidential chats with Reading and subsequently writing
stories which smeared the case and supported Kerr-McGee.
        There were a few reporters who wouldn't comply.  One was
transferred and the other was fired.  One newspaper received a letter
from Kerr-McGee saying the case was a national security issue.
        Srouji was so unpredictable, Sheehan never knew which way she was
going to be blowing.  It complicated the case unbelievably.  If she
claimed to be a journalist, she then had first amendment protection.  If
she claimed to be an agent, she then sought protection under national
security.
        Kitty started a study on nuclear workers to assess whether they
had ever been contaminated or had health problems as a result, things
like cancer, miscarriages, birth defects, fathers passing the defects to
their children, etc.  Kerr-McGee sent all their former employees a letter
warning them to not participate in the study or else they would get
embroiled in the law suit.
        One such employee was angry about the threatening letter since he
had been a worker there and saw all those people breathing in the
poisoned air.  The employee said,

        One time...a fire broke out and there was radiation everywhere.
I went in and told the manager we had to stop and clean up.  He said,
"Let's go out front!" - which meant I was gonna get the axe.  So I put
the men in respirators, and they came out hotter than little red wagons.
It was push, push, push - production first and to hell with everything else.

        The employee had also witnessed the moon-suits ripping apart
Karen's apartment:  "She was standing there, tears running down her
cheeks, a scared little girl."
        While attempting to put together her own study, Kitty received a
call from Dr. Thomas Mancuso.  He informed her that her study of a few
hundred would not produce significant results as the study sample was too
small to be statistically significant.  No matter what her results, they
couldn't be generalized to all nuclear workers.  Mancuso was in the
process of studying a sample of thirty thousand nuclear workers,
monitoring their health effects.  Unfortunately, the government was in
the process of suppressing his research because of what it proved.
        He had ingeniously thought of using social security numbers to
track workers from long ago, workers who had likely retired, died, or
moved.  For seventeen years, Mancuso had been the industrial hygiene
director for the state of Ohio.
        Another researcher, Dr. Milham, was studying the abnormally high
rate of cancer among nuclear workers at Hanford, Washington's
fast-breeder facility.  But the Atomic Energy Commission was trying to
stop Milham from publishing his findings:  It was an accelerating curve
where workers were dying in increasing numbers, particularly from
pancreatic cancer and bone-marrow cancer.
        The safety level had been set through guesswork at five rems per
year.  Yet, the Hanford workers had been exposed on the average to ten to
thirty times lower than five rems.  It was clear the maximum legal dose
should be lowered by at least ten, to half a rem a year.  Milham's
findings confirmed Mancuso's findings.
        But the Atomic Energy Commission, now called Energy Resource and
Development Administration, wouldn't let Mancuso complete his study,
cutting off his funding, circulating a negative critique of his study,
telling him they didn't want to see his study in print.  Worst of all,
now they were telling him he had to give up all of his files and
readouts, or else have all twenty-four filing cabinets seized.  Mancuso
said, "I thought this sort of thing only happened in Russia."  Then the
Nuclear Regulatory Commission joined with the Energy Resource and
Development Administration in demanding he forfeit his data.
        Then the Health Physics Society organized a panel for Mancuso to
tell his story.  But the panel met him with sarcasm.  When Mancuso
attempted to defend himself, the moderator told him he had to wait his
turn.  "When it came, the moderator cut him off because his remarks were
'too political.'"  Then Mancuso's friend grabbed the mike and read a
letter from Congressman Rogers, explaining how the Atomic Energy
Commission had supported Mancuso's study until the findings revealed the
standards for rem were set too high.  "A man in a Navy uniform wrestled
the mike away and shut it off.  The scientific discussion ended in
near-bedlam."  Obviously, Mancuso had been lured there to bring him into
line with the rest of his peers, peers Mancuso thought were no better
than book-burners.  Dr. Mancuso said,

        Science, it's the new religion.  All these scientists, they're
trying to be high priests.  They're the men of purity.  Not the purity of
what the numbers show, but the purity of blind faith....They knew all
along radiation could cause cancer.  They were even hypocritical in the
way they set the standards - one for workers, another one for the
public.  A worker can be legally dosed with five times as much as a
regular citizen.  Why?  A worker isn't five times more immune....I used
to think it was unprofessional to speak out against fellow scientists.
Not any more.

        The difference in standards set for workers compared to the
public had to do with the profit margin for the nuclear industry.
        Dr. Ernest Sternglass was one of the very first scientists in the
United States to warn of nuclear danger.  In an article in the Bulletin
of Atomic Scientists in 1969, he said that four hundred thousand people
were being killed from fallout in the atmosphere.  He was ridiculed by
"the Atomic Energy Commission, the National Academy of Sciences, the New
York Times, and the Washington Post."  The National Institutes of Health
cut off his funding.  The Atomic Energy Commission even paid a group of
scientists to refute Sternglass' findings.  Drs. Gofman and Tamplin "were
still with the Atomic Energy Commission; they were still Good Germans.
But they were coming up with calculations that refuted the Atomic Energy
Commission more than they refuted Sternglass."
        Other doctors came forward.  Dr. Irwin Bross had concluded that
as little as one tenth of a rem of radiation "increased the risks of
leukemia and genetic damage."  As soon as his research went public, his
grant had been terminated.
        Dr. Edward Radford, chairman of a National Academy of Sciences
committee, testified that people are being deformed and are dying.  The
rem standard needed to be lowered immediately to a tenth of what it was.
        Immediately following this scientific testimony, the Atomic
Industrial Forum sent someone to explain to the subcommittee members:
Since the companies couldn't afford safety precautions, if they lowered
the rem standard, workers would be let go as soon as they had the maximum
dose, turning the nuclear work force into transient laborers.  "Barflies
and summer-vacation students are already being pulled in off the street
to do repairs and other hot jobs."
        Besides Drs. Abrahamson and Geesaman, two other Atomic Energy
Commission researchers had also jumped ship, Dr. John Gofman and Dr.
Arthur Tamplin.  They had been working as scientists for the Atomic
Energy Commission until their own enlightenment, at which point they
wrote a book called Poisoned Power, an indictment of nuclear energy.
        Dr. Gofman had been the father of plutonium, spending three weeks
cooking a ton of uranium salt to obtain a drop of pure plutonium for the
War Department during World War II.  He felt the risk was worthwhile then
because of being up against an enemy without morals.  But, today, he felt
the risk should be taken only by those soldiers and scientists who are
informed in advance that their lives are on the line.  He said, "The
license to give out doses of plutonium is a legalized permit to murder."
He testified that Silkwood was "unequivocally married to lung cancer."
        During a press interview, Dr. Gofman, when asked what he would
think if the nuclear industry solved the problem of waste disposal, Dr.
Gofman replied,

        That's just the final phase of waste disposal.  There'd still be
all the other phases:  sealing it in drums, transporting it, loading and
unloading it, and so forth.  In the last four years there have been more
than three hundred traffic accidents involving nuclear shipments.
Outside Denver a truckload of uranium yellow cake lay on the ground for
twelve hours, blowing about loose because everyone else was confused
about who was responsible for cleaning it up.  Nuclear waste is escaping
into the environment all the time.  By early next century, not so far in
the future, radiation from waste and other nuclear sources will be
killing two hundred thousand Americans a year with cancer.

        Dr. Karl Morgan also came forward.  He was the father of health
physics, the Atomic Energy Commission's foremost health physician for
more than thirty years and creator of the Health Physics Society.  He was
not naive about censorship.

        One time, twenty-four hours before he was to address a symposium
in Nuremberg, Germany, his superiors at the Atomic Energy Commission had
destroyed all two hundred copies of his speech.  They had ordered him to
read a speech that did not make any criticisms of the fast-breeder,
however mild.  And he did have criticisms....In the overall debate he was
nonpartisan....He had agreed to testify [in the Silkwood case] because of
Bob [Kitty's husband] and Stockton, whom he knew and respected, and
because of the files.  He had read them.  The history they described, the
spills, leaks, dirty respirators, had made him sick.  "The [Kerr-McGee]
operation at Cimarron was callous, almost cruel," he testified. "It was
like sending someone into a lion's cage and not telling them there were
animals inside."  Strong stuff, for a nonpartisan.

        Two witnesses, former employees at Kerr-McGee, willing to come
forward were both stopped, one because of a visit from Kerr-McGee
threatening to take away his franchise gas station and annul the
mortgage, and the other because his previous years in the military made
him respect the label national security.
        The first judge appointed to the Silkwood court case was clearly
in Kerr-McGee's corner, ruling that one friendly witness was not allowed
to discuss the missing nuclear material and that Srouji didn't have to.
He also allowed the Justice Department, the Federal Bureau of
Investigation, the Nuclear Regulatory Commission, and Kerr-McGee to
withhold much evidence behind a guise of national security.  Sheehan
proceeded to intentionally infuriate the judge, hoping the judge would
make some unjudicial remarks on the record, which he did.  When informed
that Sheehan was drafting a recusal motion to have him removed, the judge
voluntarily transferred the case to another judge.
        The next judge was also clearly prejudicial, telling them their
case was "in the clouds" and that they had sued a lot of people they
shouldn't have.  Of twenty-one requests made by Sheehan, the judge
rejected twenty.  He also told them they had to go to trial whether they
were ready or not.  A little investigation revealed that this judge had
been placed on the bench by Senator Kerr, co-founder of Kerr-McGee, when
he was still alive.  The judge had been an old family friend who had
masterminded Kerr's election.  Sheehan drafted another recusal motion.
        The next judge was imported from Wichita, Kansas at the request
of the Tenth Circuit Court of Appeals.  His first move was to make sure
that some of the files that had been requested by Sheehan be produced by
the other side.
        After Jung, a former employee at Kerr-McGee who had requested
anonymity, was identified in a deposition, she was then harassed.  She
suffered two break-ins at her trailer, though nothing was taken:  Only
the papers on her desk had been pillaged.  Then a heavy car chased her home.

        The car came within inches of her bumper, braked, wheeled around
in a sideswiping move, pulled in front, slowed to a reptilian pace:  a
terrifying sequence.  When she got up the nerve to pass, she was pursued
at speeds up to eighty-five miles an hour over gullied rural roads.  She
made it home; but since then there had been other harassments.  Anonymous
callers, throaty voices in the night, had been dunning her with cold
advice.

        They told her things like, don't do anything you might regret,
think of your health, and do the smart thing.
        The Church had been supporting Sheehan's work on the case, but
ultimately pulled back as well.  "Like Wall Street, the Church is willing
to do political work, as long as it doesn't make their big rich
contributors unhappy."
        Reporters were invited by Bill Paul, the Kerr-McGee lawyer, to
attend depositions which focused on Silkwood's personal life, but were
not invited to depositions of former employees who told the truth about
work conditions.  Depositions of FBI agent Olson and Kerr-McGee security
chief Reading were stalled by their refusing to answer questions, hiding
behind the cloak of national security.
        Then, when Sheehan spoke to a reporter and an article
surprisingly made it into the newspaper, Paul accused Sheehan of
manipulating the press and slandering Kerr-McGee, requesting a gag order
on Sheehan.
        Another witness told the story about how, after Silkwood's
possessions were taken into custody by Kerr-McGee, moon-suits had picked
through everything while two narcs observed, obviously waiting to come
across a drug stash in hopes of having Silkwood busted.  But their search
revealed no drugs, only moon-suits "holding up frilly panties and laughing."
        Senator Kerr had been king of the hill in Washington.  He was the
richest, most powerful man there, controlling everyone.  Upon his death,
two million dollars in cash had been found in his safe, money not
accounted for in the books.  Bobby Baker testified before going to prison
for influence peddling that some of the money was a bribe from S&L
executives.  Baker was Kerr's protege, like father and son.  Baker had
also been his bagman, as well as keeper of secrets, among them that Kerr
had kept his mistress on the senate payroll.  Kerr and McGee had both
been involved in the Arkansas River scandal, where they bought up useless
land, then used public money to extend the river into this land and built
a seaport, inflating the price of the land by millions and millions.
        Kerr-McGee had also conspired to inflate the price of materials
sold to the state.  Kerr-McGee then attempted to get back its reputation
through high-profile propaganda and goodwill charity.
        Kerr-McGee had a particularly close relationship with the Atomic
Energy Commission.  Senator Kerr and the Atomic Energy Commission
chairman, Lewis Strauss, had been friends.  The Atomic Energy Commission
favored Kerr-McGee with ten times the contracts over any other single
company.  In one case, Kerr-McGee got the contract despite the fact that
the uranium had to travel four hundred extra miles by ferry, bypassing
numerous other companies on the way, to arrive at the Atomic Energy
Commission facility.  Small companies complained that Kerr-McGee's
influence peddling was going to bankrupt them, which it did.
        Investigator Stockton had called down the ire of the Central
Intelligence Agency director when he had uncovered the paper trail of
another scandal.  The Nuclear Materials and Equipment Corporation had
lost five hundred seventy-two pounds of uranium.  The company said two
hundred pounds of the loss was normal.  The Joint Committee on Atomic
Energy had responded, "only if the factory had run seven days a week,
twenty-four hours a day since before the Revolutionary War."  Then, the
Atomic Energy Commission investigator on the case had quit to take a
cushy job at the private company being investigated.  Further, the
Justice Department had closed their investigation after only nine days
because they decided that there was no one to prosecute.  The Central
Intelligence Agency, the Atomic Energy Commission, the Joint Committee on
Atomic Energy, the Federal Bureau of Investigation, the Justice
Department, and LBJ had known about the scandal as well as the fact that
the missing uranium had probably gone to Israel "so Israel could become
the world's seventh nuclear nation-state....It had been a cover-up so
vast it seemed unmanageable, but it had been managed, and it had gone on
and on" stretching over ten years.
        Stockton had uncovered evidence that an Israeli agent with the
Mossad had infiltrated the private company.  "Veteran journalist Tad
Szulc had reported that the CIA was, in fact, a silent partner in the
smuggling ring."  In his attempts to plea bargain his criminal case
pending at this time, Richard Helms offered that he had evidence that the
whole thing was LBJ's responsibility.  Since LBJ would get the CIA off
the hook, the CIA was enraged that Stockton was interfering in the case.
        None of the men who had conspired and lied in this case ever went
to prison, nor did they suffer from any public disgrace.  Nothing
happened to the criminals thanks to Helms' plea bargain and lack of
prosecutorial zeal at the Justice Department.
        Srouji's book finally came out, an indictment of Silkwood as a
"suicidal fanatic turned into a union patsy."  The Atomic Industrial
Forum was helping Srouji promote the book.
        The Nuclear Regulatory Commission finally decided to inform
Congressman Dingell of the exact figure of plutonium missing from
Kerr-McGee, sixteen pounds, a figure Stockton had great difficulty believing.
        A secretary for the Oklahoma City Police Department admitted she
had typed up transcripts of wiretap tapes recorded on Audio Intelligence
cassettes.  She said the Oklahoma City Police Department had a Red Squad
which did wiretapping.  "Kerr-McGee knew all about it."
        After confronted, one cop said, "No, siree.  None of our people
did that, not in their official capacities," accenting the word official.
        It was discovered that the Oklahoma City Police Department had
purchased their wiretapping equipment from Audio Intelligence through
Thomas Bunting, who was a captain in the Oklahoma State Bureau of
Investigation.  After informing Bunting's lawyer that he would be
deposed, Bunting stalled with claims of police security.  When his
attorney was informed that the deposition would take place the following
week, Bunting was found dead within a few days.  He was forty-four and
had died supposedly of a cerebral hemorrhage.
        Bunting had been the third person on Sheehan's witness list to
die in the previous three months.  The first one had been Senator
Metcalf, found dead three days prior to the second one.  Metcalf was also
buried without benefit of autopsy.
        The second one had been Leo Goodwin II, the person who originally
funded Audio Intelligence.  Goodwin was heir to the Geico Insurance
fortune.  Goodwin, terminal with cancer, had died of supposed congestive
heart failure two days before he was to be interviewed for the case.  The
doctor who signed the death certificate had never even seen the body.
        While researching nuclear energy, Kitty discovered too many
accidents.  A nuclear dump in Illinois, declared by the Nuclear
Regulatory Commission to not be a hazard to health, was feared by local
officials who had fenced off nearby swimming holes because fish and
cattle were dying with strange diseases.  In Kentucky, nuclear waste was
leaking into underground streams.  In a near criticality at Hanford,
cadmium had to be pumped into a waste trench twenty-four hours a day to
prevent an explosion when the plutonium waste began collecting in one end
of the trench.
        For years, the Nuclear Regulatory Commission and Atomic Energy
Commission had told the public that it was not possible for a waste pit
to go critical.  They hadn't believed it when just such a story had come
out of the Soviet Union:  A nuclear waste dump had exploded in late 1957
or early 1958, a fact which was later confirmed.  The Central
Intelligence Agency and United States officials had known about it from
the beginning.

        The Soviet dump had been in an area of small villages and nomadic
tribes, but the victims filled all the nearby hospitals.  The people
vomited; their eyes went white.  Hundreds, perhaps thousands, died.  The
ground looked like the surface of the moon, blistered and cracked from
the heat. The air had a charcoal taste.  Only the chimneys were left
standing in one village.  The main highway was closed for nine months.
When it reopened, there were signs telling motorists to drive through at
top speed with their car windows closed.  Even after the land repaired
itself, radiation lingered.  Topsoil had to be scraped off and bulked in
a nuclear landfill.  Mushrooms and wild berries sprouted and grew huge,
to the size of tennis balls, but they couldn't be eaten.  Fishing wasn't
allowed.  Ten years later, pregnant women were still being advised to
have abortions.  There had been many deformed babies with beveled lips
and nubs for arms.

        Kitty's file disclosed so many difficulties in the nuclear
industry.  Nuclear waste accidents seemed to be found everywhere:

        Radioactive curium from New York's West Valley disposal site had
left a trail down the Cattaraugus Creek, across Lake Erie, over Niagara
Falls, into Lake Ontario.  Cesium and cobalt from the Indian Point
reactor on Long Island had settled in the Hudson River.  One million
gallons of radioactive waste embalmed in metal barrels had been sunk off
the coasts of Delaware, Maryland, and California.  The barrels, steel
with a concrete matrix, were corroding.  Men in minisubmarines had begun
tests near the Farallon Islands, fifty miles west of San Francisco, after
gigantic sponges were found growing on the barrels.  About sixty-seven
thousand barrels were at the bottom of the Atlantic and another
forty-seven thousand in the Pacific.  No one knew the exact total:  The
Atomic Energy Commission had destroyed its records of the dumping.

        During a rally to educate the public about nuclear power, a
farmer spoke, giving "surprising statistics about how nuclear facilities
drive down the value of adjoining land."  Shipyard workers at a nuclear
submarine base were suffering from cancer.  Recently, the United States
Geological Survey had made the results of their two year study available
to the public.  "According to the government's own experts, there was no
such thing as a 'fail-safe method of storing nuclear waste' and never
would be."
        During another anti-nuclear convention, many delegates showed up
from all over the country.  A farmer had driven from Minnesota in his
running-board pickup.

        Up north the utility companies had criss-crossed the land with
megawatt power lines.  You could hear the electricity crackle and feel it
like a heavy tingle.  It was electromagnetic radiation, and it was
scaring cows to death, killing them with heart attacks.  Some farmers had
become midnight raiders, toppling the towers with bolt-cutters.  An
undercover agent had infiltrated their group, posing as a reporter, but
the farmers had found him out and left him to walk barefoot out of a
frozen swamp.

        People wonder whether Silkwood would have supported the nuclear
industry while attempting to reform it or whether she would have become a
member of the anti-nuclear movement.  Silkwood had been very bright, an A
student, winner of a scholarship, leader of her science club in school,
and the only girl student in the advanced chemistry class.  She was
Kind regards,

***********************  V  *************************
          DEATH TO THE NEW WORLD ORDER
****************************************************

Linda Thompson
American Justice Federation
Home of AEN News
& news videos, "Waco, the Big Lie,"  "America Under Siege"
3850 S. Emerson Ave.
Indianapolis, IN 46203
Telephone:  [phone]
Fax:  [phone]
Internet:  [e-mail]

**************************************************
   Remember Waco.  The Murderers are still free.
***************************************************

The Army courtmartialed Spc. Michael New
for not wearing a U.N. hat, but the Army won't
courtmartial the 160th and 158th Special Operations,
82nd Airborne, Ft. Hood Cav and 10th Mountain Div.
soldiers who helped MURDER CHILDREN at Waco.

What's wrong with this picture?

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Do you pay taxes because you are afraid if you don't, the feds will take
your paycheck, your house, your car, and put you in prison?
Funny, when the mafia does it, that's called CRIMINAL EXTORTION.

THIS YEAR, JOIN 50 MILLION AMERICANS AND JUST SAY NO.

                    And never give up your guns.

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The reasonable man adapts himself to the world;
the unreasonable one persists in trying to adapt the world to himself.

Therefore all progress depends on the unreasonable man.
                                                         -George Bernard Shaw